Submitted: 2025-7-13

Accepted: 2025-07-20

Published: 2026-04-30

Issue 3 (2026), pp. 1 – 24

The House of Orpheus in Nea Paphos and Other

Residences in Cyprus and Cyrenaica: Local Phenomena in

a Global Empire

by Monika Rekowska, Demetrios Michaelides, Patrizio

Pensabene, Eleonora Gasparini

DOI http://doi.org/10.36950/PR.2026.1.1

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License

Contact

Monika Rekowska, University of Warsaw, mrekowska@uw.edu.pl

Demetrios Michaelides, University of Cyprus, michaelides.demetrios@ucy.ac.cy

Patrizio Pensabene, Sapienza-University of Rome, patrizio.pensabene@uniroma1.it

Eleonora Gasparini, Ministry of Culture of Italy, eleonora.gasparini@cultura.gov.it

https://bop.unibe.ch/PR / ISSN 3042-4445

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The House of Orpheus in Nea Paphos

and Other Residences in Cyprus and

Cyrenaica: Local Phenomena in a

Global Empire

Abstract: An effective approach to the study of Roman provincial houses is to examine

how global architectural trends influenced the residential architecture of local urban elites.

In the Eastern Mediterranean, Cyprus and Cyrenaica (Libya), which formed part of the

Ptolemaic kingdom during the Hellenistic period, provide a typical example of this

phenomenon.

The House of Orpheus in Nea Paphos (Cyprus), which represents both a typical and a

distinctive example of regional residential architecture, provides a good example to start

from. Its architecture is rooted in the Hellenistic housing tradition but also exhibits

architectural features (e.g. private baths) and decorative elements (e.g. a particular type of

Corinthian capital), that emerged and became widespread during Imperial times. Similar

global phenomena, though producing different local results, can be observed in urban

houses in Cyrenaica. This paper endeavours to identify the glocal aspects of housing in

these provinces, as well as the local responses that developed within a global framework.

Keywords: Cyprus, Cyrenaica, residential architecture, architectural decoration,

globalization

Abstract: Un approccio efficace allo studio delle abitazioni delle province romane consiste

nell’esaminare in che modo le tendenze architettoniche globali abbiano influenzato

l’architettura residenziale delle élites urbane locali. Nel Mediterraneo orientale, Cipro e la

Cirenaica (Libia), che durante il periodo ellenistico fecero parte del regno tolemaico,

offrono chiari esempi di questo fenomeno.

La Casa di Orfeo a Nea Paphos (Cipro), che rappresenta al tempo stesso un esempio

tipico e distintivo dell’architettura residenziale regionale, costituisce un valido punto di

partenza. La sua architettura affonda le radici nella tradizione abitativa ellenistica, ma

presenta anche caratteristiche architettoniche (ad esempio terme private) ed elementi

decorativi (come una particolare tipologia di capitello corinzio) che emersero e si diffusero

ampiamente in età imperiale. Fenomeni globali analoghi, pur producendo esiti locali

differenti, sono osservabili anche nelle abitazioni urbane della Cirenaica. Il presente

contributo si propone di individuare gli aspetti “glocali” dell’abitare in queste province,

nonché le risposte locali sviluppatesi all’interno di una cornice globale.

Parole chiave: Cipro, Cirenaica, architettura domestica, decorazione architettonica,

globalizzazione

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Introduction

The study of private architecture in the Eastern Mediterranean shows that during the

Imperial period, provincial elites determined the grafting of new formal demands into the

decorative traditions of the regions in which they lived. This grafting process results from

the negotiation between the local substrate and broader fashions, and may be described

as a form of prismatic refraction. This concept derives from the theoretical framework of

glocalization as outlined by V. Roudometof¹who defines glocality as experiencing the

global locally or through local lenses². In recent years, the adoption of such a theoretical

framework has gone hand in hand with the widely accepted abandonment of the concept

of Romanization. A good example of this theoretical shift is that even provincial

architectures that took their inspiration from public monumental types are no longer

interpreted in current literature as ‘Romanized’, but rather as expressions of the histories

of the social groups that produce them³.

While maintaining a position of critical objectivity, our aim is to test, within the field of

residential architecture, the applicability of the theory of glocalisation, conceived as a

rejection of the traditional centre–periphery dichotomy in favour of analysing the ways in

which global flows were locally adapted and reconfigured. It is in this context, through a

multifaceted analysis of architecture shaped by the individual choices, that one can reflect

on the ethnic and religious affiliations of the house's inhabitants. In this sense, one can

paraphrase the well-known saying: Show me where you live, and I'll tell you who you are…

Accordingly, the analysis presented here takes into account anthropological debates on

multiculturalism, identity, and hybridity, alongside cognitive approaches to material culture

and the study of past societies⁴.

M.R., D.M., P.P., E.G.

Theoretical and historical framework

Global phenomena, when refracted through local conditions, find a particularly

revealing expression in domestic architecture, where cultural exchange is shaped as much

by negotiation as by imitation. In this context, inherited building traditions intersect with

broader (global) trends, producing hybrid (glocal) forms that reflect both global influences

and local continuities. Unlike public architecture—where innovation often appears through

the use of imported marble or the replication of official models—domestic buildings register

a subtler dialogue between external forms and local practice. Their layouts, decorative

schemes, and construction methods express the social identities and aspirations of their

inhabitants, while also embodying the material realities of locally available stone and

craftsmanship. Thus, across different urban and provincial settings, or even within a single

city, domestic architecture provides a valuable way to see how global architectural styles

were reinterpreted locally and how individual choices shaped the reception of wider

cultural forms⁵.

¹Roudometof 2016a; 2016b.

²Roudometof 2016b, 399; see also Roudometof, Dessì 2022; Montoya González 2024.

³Mazzilli 2020, 6–8.

⁴See Palmiè 2013 for a general in-depth analysis.

5

What is presented here forms part of the Project ‘Residence as a self-presentation of urban elites.

Architecture and decoration of the House of Orpheus in Nea Paphos, the ancient capital of Cyprus’ financed

by the National Science Centre in Poland, project no. 2017/27/B/HS3/01131. This Project aims to investigate

the architecture of the House of Orpheus within the broader context of cultural transition from Ptolemaic to

Roman rule in the Eastern Mediterranean, and follow the developments during the Imperial period up to the

threshold of Late Antiquity; on the project and its results, see: https://houseoforpheusproject.wnks.uw.edu.pl/

(accessed 21.09.2025)

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The methodological approach followed here refers to a conception of material culture

resulting from inter-connectivity, that is, from the exchange of artefacts and ideas deriving

from different cultural contexts. However, it must be stressed that it is not always possible

to determine the origins and meanings of the artefacts and ideas that came into play.

These matters must, of necessity, be left to the specialized studies that form the basis of

each research area⁶.

The paper focuses on Cyprus and Cyrenaica, two regions that came under Roman

rule in the first century BCE. Both were strongly influenced by the Alexandrian cultural

heritage and, consequently, by the sophisticated architectural traditions that spread from

the Egyptian metropolis across the Mediterranean. Unlike Egypt, under whose dominion

they both were, which carried a rich homogeneous cultural past, these provinces were

transformed over the centuries by territorial adjustments and historical events. This

statement does not imply a degree of original ‘cultural purity’, which no one could support

knowing the intense intercultural exchanges characterizing the history of Cyprus and

Cyrenaica. Therefore, the two regions have always led scholars to question aspects

regarding the identity of these territories⁷.

If one looks at the main domestic complexes of Cypriot and Cyrenaican cities dating

from the late second century BCE to the sixth century CE, their architectural

configurations, both in plan and elevation, can be interpreted as the expression of a glocal

phenomenon. It is, in fact, possible to recognize the refraction of components of varied

space-time origin, but also specific forms and styles that are characteristic of each of these

cultural regions. The architectural traditions established for centuries in both Cyprus and

Cyrenaica were tangible expressions of continuity and authority, visually articulating the

identity of elites who perpetuated inherited power across generations.

Fig.

Mediterranean

Wikimedia,

1.

Map

of

the

Eastern

from

(retrieved

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Fil

e:Mediterranean_Basin_and_Near_Ea

st_before_1000_AD_topographic_map.

jpg , accessed 4/07/2022).

6

Conversely, see Pitts, Versluys 2015, 6: The emptiness of much commonly used terminology in

archaeological and historical studies becomes especially clear when the processes and mechanisms

underlying such phenomena must be articulated. For example, it is common to encounter terms such as

‘inter-culturality’, ‘crossroads of cultures’, ‘hybridity’, ‘confluence’ or, popular in the French tradition,

‘transferts-culturels’ or ‘métissage’ – most of the time without an adequate explanation of what these

concepts exactly mean or imply, especially for the interpretation of material culture’.

7

Pensabene, Gasparini 2017, 655–656, 659–660, 676–677; Pensabene, Gasparini 2019, 175–176;

Pensabene, Gasparini 2020, 164–165; Pensabene, Gasparini 2021, 330–331, Gasparini 2023a, 213-223,

Gasparini 2023b, 129-148; Gasparini 2023c.

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The provinces here considered, the overseas possessions of the Ptolemies, entered

the orbit of Republican politics in the first century BCE. However, it was only during the

reign of Augustus that the new Roman administration introduced changes in their political

and social status. Under Roman imperial rule, these provinces did not play a leading role.

They enjoyed, however, a period of prosperity which, for Cyprus, was due to its location at

the crossroads of trade routes, between East and West (Fig. 1). The significance of

Cyprus in Roman trading networks is well testified by the evidence provided by

amphorae⁸.

Cyprus was a minor senatorial province and did not offer good prospects of

promotion in the senatorial cursus honorum. Nevertheless, the constant presence of

officials on the island is attested in important towns, especially the caput provinciae, where

the proconsul was accompanied by a quaestor provinciae, a legatus pro praetore and

auxiliary staff⁹.

Roman citizenship was relatively rare among the natives of Cyprus before the

beginning of the third century CE, and Cypriots rarely reached high-ranking Roman nobility

status¹⁰. Furthermore, even when members of the local elite were awarded Roman

citizenship, they chose the Greek language to represent themselves in public

monuments¹¹. Moreover, the island does not seem to have attracted many wealthy

Romans to settle there permanently. Several negatiatores were residing in Cyprus already

during the Republic, acting ‘as a link to the highest levels of Roman society for the local

elites¹². Roman imperial policy appears to have shown little interest in imposing

allochthonous models, with procedures that earlier scholarship would labelled as

Romanizing endeavours¹³. Nevertheless, the gradual adoption of Roman standards is

visible throughout the material culture, including the residential architecture and, within it,

the use of space and its decoration. This phenomenon escalated during the reign of the

Severan dynasty, whose policy was oriented towards the East. Therefore, the architectural

remains left by these provincial societies testify to their integration into a global cultural

universe that accompanied the political, economic, and social order established by Rome.

In recent archaeological debates, studies on Roman provincial housing have focused

on the mutual relations between the forces of globalization and the specificity related to

localism, understood, inter alia, as an attachment to tradition. Pausanias, at the beginning

of the second century CE, pointed out many times Cyprus’ cultural affinities with Greece

(e.g., Paus. 10.24.3; 1.3.2; 1.6.6; 1.6.8 etc.). This emphasis on Cyprus as part of Greece’s

cultural heritage is highly significant for the articulation of the cultural identity of the Greeks

under Roman rule¹⁴. This approach has highlighted the differing extents of willingness for,

and diversity of, cultural change in a province when it became part of the Roman Empire.

As already noted, owners are to be seen as active agents in the refraction process of

global trends through local lenses. Beyond these broader reflections on the interaction

between global and local dynamics, it is equally important to acknowledge the role of

individual agency. Personal choices – shaped by education, cultural habitus, social

aspiration, and, not least, material wealth – played a decisive role in determining the

architectural expression of urban residences.

Economic prosperity and the growing urban elite class were reflected in

⁸Kaldeli 2009, 365–386; Michaelides 1996, 142-152; Kaldeli, Williams, Michaelides 2022, 63–78.

⁹Eck 1972–1973, 250–253; Hussein 2021, 36–48; Mitford 1980, 1292–1308; Nowakowski 2010, 5, note 2;

Thomasson 1984, 295–302.

¹⁰Hussein 2021, 34, 71–73; Mitford 1980, 1362–1366.

¹¹Hussein 2021, 65.

¹²Hussein 2021, 60–61.

¹³Michaelides 1999, 119.

¹⁴see Hussein 2021, 14–16.

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developments in both public and private architecture¹⁵. The increase in the affluence of

urban residences is well-illustrated by the House of Orpheus at Nea Paphos, which serves

as the main case study on which this discussion is based.

E.G.

The House of Orpheus at Nea Paphos: planimetric layout and transformations

Domestic architecture is fairly well documented in Nea Paphos, the capital of Roman

Cyprus. The known houses differ in terms of orientation, size, layout, and decoration, as

well as date, illustrating in variety of ways a local response within the global framework¹⁶.

The House of Orpheus is neither the grandest nor the richest residence; however, it

represents a typical and, at the same time, unique example of residential architecture in

Roman Cyprus, and thus deserves particular attention. Furthermore, the planimetric layout

and the architectural decoration epitomise the phenomenon of glocalisation on an island

marked by a long history of occupation and extensive developments in domestic

architecture.

The name House of Orpheus (given after the most outstanding feature of the house,

the mosaic depicting Orpheus and the Beasts) refers to the remains occupying an area of

ca. 1,200 square meters, which were systematically investigated between 1982 and 1992,

with further intermittent excavations until 2013¹⁷. The origin of the development of the area

dates back to the Hellenistic period when the city was laid out on a grid of streets forming

rectangular insulae¹⁸. Probably already at that time, the area later occupied by the House

of Orpheus was divided into plots slightly over 14 m wide with buildings aligned along the

E-W axis. The full interpretation of the area remains uncertain because the western part of

the insula has not survived, preventing the precise determination of the original length of

the plots, and because the southern part has not yet been fully excavated, making it

impossible to establish the width of the fourth plot. The earliest phase of occupation is

confirmed not only by modest remains of architecture but also by several finds, the earliest

of which date to the fourth century BCE¹⁹. From that time until its final abandonment the

residence was rebuilt and decorated several times. Notably, remains of early Roman

structures were found under the Orpheus mosaic when it was lifted for conservation²⁰.

Archaeological evidence, however, indicates that the most important changes occurred in

the late second/early third century CE, a period corresponding to the city’s greatest

prosperity, when it bore the honorary title Σεβαστὴ Κλαυδία Φλαβία Πάφος, ἡ ἱερὰ

μητρόπολις τῶν κατὰ Κύπρον πόλεων (Sebaste Claudia Flavia Paphos, the sacred

metropolis of the cities of Cyprus).

¹⁵Michaelides 1996, 143.

¹⁶In fact, the residential buildings are one of the best-known features of the site, thanks to the work of Polish

and Cypriot archaeologists, undertaken since the 1960s: the Villa of Theseus (Brzozowska-Jawornicka 2019;

Lichocka 2021; Medeksza 1992: 1998); the ‘Hellenistic’ House (Brzozowska-Jawornicka 2019, Brzozowska-

Jawornicka 2021); the House of Dionysus (Kondoleon 1994; Nicolaou 1967), the House of Aion

(Brzozowska-Jawornicka 2019; Jastrzębowska 2019). Recently, thanks to the work of French archaeologists,

one more house, located at the foot of Fabrika hill, immediately outside the city walls on the north-east, was

added to the catalogue of known residences (Balandier, Guitrand 2016, 125–36; Balandier, de Pontbriand

2020).

¹⁷Interim reports of excavations conducted by D. Michaelides were published regularly in the Annual Report

of the Department of Antiquities Cyprus (1983-1998) and the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique (1983-

1993); and a number of artefacts have been studied in more detail (publications listed in Rekowska et al.

2019, 201, note 16; 215–8; Rekowska et al. 2021a, 38, 40). Since 2018, non-invasive research is being

carried out as part of the new abovementioned project.

¹⁸Miszk, Ostrowski, Papuci-Władyka 2020; Młynarczyk 1990, 162, fig. 16; Papuci-Władyka 2020, 83, pl. 5.

¹⁹ARDAC 1985, 45; ARDAC 1990, 58–59.

²⁰ARDAC 1990, 58-9; Michaelides 1991, 4–5; cf. also Rekowska et al. 2021b.

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This heyday is reflected in the elite residential architecture of the city. It may, to some

extent be connected to an influx of new inhabitants from the Italian Peninsula or elsewhere

in the Empire, the increasing identification of the local elite with the Roman Empire, or

both. It is worth noting that the first phase of development of the Villa of Theseus and the

decoration of the House of Dionysus coincide chronologically²¹.

In this light, the transformation of the House of Orpheus during this period can thus

be interpreted as a spatial manifestation of the broader cultural dynamics that defined

Roman Cyprus. In architectural terms, the house encapsulates the interplay between

global Imperial influences and local agency – a process that aligns closely with the

theoretical framework of glocalisation. The House of Orpheus was modified in the spirit of

Roman domestic architecture not only reflecting the aesthetic and social ambitions of its

inhabitants but also offering insight into the ways in which provincial elites redefined

imperial models within their own cultural and material environment.

In the transformation of the House of Orpheus the emphasis was placed on a clear

division of private and public space; and, then the public space was given an appropriate

architectural setting. These modifications were made possible through increasing the area

of the entire residence by joining together adjacent structures and modifying them (Fig.

2)²².

The architectural development of the House of Orpheus was inevitably conditioned

by the pre-existing structures, which did not allow for a completely free reorganisation of

space. The traditional sequence of atrium-tablinum-peristylium, characteristic of Roman

domestic architecture in the Western provinces²³, was not introduced on a large scale in

houses of the Greek East during the imperial period, and this residence was no exception.

Nevertheless, its plan reveals selected spatial and visual strategies that reflect an

engagement with Roman domestic ideals²⁴. Efforts were made to articulate the rooms

according to Roman rules of accessibility, visibility, and hierarchical spatial order,

something most evident in the northernmost sector of the house. As a result, this part was

turned into an official reception area of public nature, characterized by conspicuous luxury

signalling the owner’s social standing and cultural sophistication. This process of

adaptation was not limited to a single episode. The archaeological record – architectural

remains beneath the mosaics, the two construction phases of the baths, and the presence

of walls bearing at least two layers of painted plaster – suggests that the rearrangement of

the residence had begun already during the earlier Roman period. Thus, the successive

phases of rebuilding should be understood as part of a broader continuum of architectural

negotiation between local tradition and imperial models, where earlier Hellenistic layouts

were selectively integrated into the evolving Romanised framework of domestic

representation²⁵.

It would seem that ex-unit 2 retained the layout dating back to the earliest period of

the insula’s spatial arrangement (Fig. 3). Thus, the house was organized around the

central rectangular courtyard, with rooms of relatively equal size clustered around its

eastern western, and northern sides. These could be identified as cubicula, although, in

accordance to the Roman principles of multi-functionality of some rooms in a house, their

functions likely varied according to need and occasion. Such caution is warranted, as the

street-front walls on the east remain undefined and therefore do not allow a clear

conclusion as to whether the rooms on this side (R 20, R 21) were accessible from the

²¹House of Dionysus: Kondoleon 1994; Villa of Theseus: Medeksza 1992, Medeksza 1998; Lichocka 2021.

²²The substantial increase in the area of the entire residence also included ex-units 3 and 4, where the new

colonnaded courtyard was constructed. However, as the southern part of the complex is still under study, our

analysis is limited to the interpretation of two units in the northern part.

²³Hales 2003, 97–134; Wallace-Hadrill 1994, 47.

²⁴Hales 2003, 207–243.

²⁵ARDAC 1984, 45.

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street or solely from within the house. The only substantial alteration of this unit was its

expansion to the south through incorporating a section of street A, part of which was

turned into a storage space (R 40)²⁶.

Fig. 2. Plan of Nea Paphos: 1. The House of Orpheus; 2. The Villa of Theseus; 3. The ‘Hellenistic’ House; 4. The House

of Aion; 5. The House of Dionysos; 6. The Roman House (based on the orthophoto of site, Carleton Immersive

Media Studio for the GCI, https://www.getty.edu/conservation/our_projects/field_projects/paphos/overview.html ,

accessed 4/07/2022).

Some features indicate that the ex-unit 1 originally shared a comparable

configuration, but its later transformation completely altered its nature. This rebuilding is

clearly visible in the masonry – through wall joins, blocked entrances, and newly opened

passages in existing walls. The reuse of earlier architectural elements reinforces this

interpretation. Notably, three column-shaft segments, possibly originating from the original

peristyle, were incorporated into the construction of the southern wall of room R 7, while

additional spolia appear throughout the complex (Fig. 4).

Following the rebuilding, the layout and spatial logic of the 'new' northern wing were

completely different, going well beyond the needs of ordinary domestic life. Although

²⁶ARDAC 1988, 55–56.

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Fig. 3. The House of Orpheus (orthophoto by M. Gładki and plan by J. Kaniszewski, both retrieved

from https://houseoforpheusproject.wnks.uw.edu.pl/two_d_documentation/, accessed 1/05/2024,

and processed by M. Rekowska).

Fig. 4. The House of Orpheus, traces of rebuilding in the ex-unit 1 (plan by J. Kaniszewski,

retrieved from https://houseoforpheusproject.wnks.uw.edu.pl/two_d_documentation/, accessed

1/05/2024; photos by M. Rekowska).

physically separated, it communicated with the rest of the house (ex-unit 2) by two narrow

passages ensuring maximum privacy for the family in the living quarters. While direct

parallels for this configuration are difficult to identify among other known houses, its layout

nonetheless reflects the conceptual framework of a Roman-style residence – one that

integrated global architectural principles into a distinctly local context. In this sense, the

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house represents a glocal expression of domestic architecture, where imperial ideals were

reinterpreted through the prism of local materiality, craftsmanship, and spatial tradition.

The new northern wing was divided into two sectors by what seems to have been an

open-air courtyard, which not only separated but also visually connected the two functional

zones. The western sector was occupied by reception rooms, and the eastern one by a

bath complex (Fig. 5). This spatial juxtaposition reflects a deliberate orchestration of

architectural experience designed to facilitate both display and sociability.

Fig. 5. The House of Orpheus: A – public zone; B – private zone (ortophoto by M. Gładki,

photos of mosaics Courtesy of the Getty Conservation Institute, retrieved from

https://houseoforpheusproject.wnks.uw.edu.pl/two_d_documentation/, accessed 1/05/2024)

The core of the western sector was formed by two lavishly decorated rooms of

unequal size. The larger of the two (45.5 m²) was paved with a mosaic of a repeating

pattern of polychrome peltae covering the entire floor, into which two adjacent figurative

panels are set, neither of which is centrally placed. The one representing Hercules and the

lion is placed opposite the threshold, to be seen by the guests entering the room. The

other, depicting an Amazon standing by her horse, is placed upside-down in relation to the

Hercules panel, and is to be viewed from inside the room. The panels are set in such a

way as to leave a wide band of peltae on all but the eastern side. Several fresco fragments

with elaborate polychrome floral and geometrical designs testify to the decoration of the

walls. The hall was accessed through an impressive triple entrance, its central door framed

by painted pillars the remains of which are still in place. Taken together, the room’s large

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10

size, architectural layout, decorative programme, and the positioning of the panels indicate

that it functioned as a triclinium - the main reception and dining hall of the residence²⁷.

The smaller room (ca. 21.7 m²) is no less remarkable. It is paved with a mosaic

depicting Orpheus and the beasts, framed by a polychrome geometric border. Orpheus in

eastern attire, sitting on a rock and playing the cithara, is surrounded by fifteen animals²⁸.

The most striking feature of the mosaic is an inscription (in large Greek capitals) placed

above Orpheus’ head. The first few letters are missing but the reading of the inscription

poses no problem: it gives a three-part Latin name [Tit]os (or [Gai]os) Pinnios Restitutos

followed by the verb epoiei. The names are well attested in Roman epigraphy belonging to

people of different ranks²⁹, however the formula consisting of tria nomina is rather rarely

encountered in Cyprus and seems to indicate that the person in question had a certain

social standing, something not associated with mosaic makers. Although the verb used in

the inscription usually refers to an artist making a work of art, by this period the meaning

had already begun to shift from active to factitive – thus, Restitutos must have been the

person who commissioned or financed the mosaic.

A large number of fresco fragments found on top of the mosaic, as well as a small

section of fresco (with areas of red and ochre-yellow) still adhering to the southern wall

show that the room was decorated with intricate geometric and floral designs³⁰. The room,

even though smaller than the neighbouring triclinium, was no less significant. The

exquisite mosaic and the inscription with the name of its ‘creator’ suggest that this space

functioned as a kind of audience hall, where the house owner would most likely display his

wealth, sophistication, aesthetic sensibility, and erudition to his special guests.

This prestigious suite was directly accessible from the northern street, one of the

urban thoroughfares connecting the residential quarter to the harbour – a choice that

underscores the owner’s social visibility and engagement with the urban environment.

Based on the archaeological evidence, we can suggest the circuit followed by a visitor

within the house. The entrance led through an anteroom (R 10) with a rectangular niche in

the southern wall, perhaps for a statue or a lamp. From here, turning right one could enter

the narrow and elongated space on the N-S axis, a kind of ambulatory giving direct access

to the reception rooms while also providing light to the room with the Orpheus mosaic. A

room (R 7) between the two reception rooms, with an entrance much larger than a simple

doorway, might have served as an exedra. Finally, through the open courtyard, one could

access the baths in the eastern sector of this part of the house (Fig. 6), completing a

carefully choreographed route that balanced public display with controlled intimacy.

The baths represent a two-phase structure, initially built in the early Roman period

and then rebuilt through the annexation of additional space to the west. Thus, a set of

parallel rooms (R 11–R14) was added to the core of the heated rooms (R 16 and R 17),

along the eastern street. This modified the baths’ size (up to 176m²), their layout, as well

as the circulation route³¹. It should be noted that the baths were built atop pre-existing

structures, which influenced their layout. The identification of the individual rooms is based

on their layout and distinctive features, such as the heating apparatus, as well as logical

deduction (Fig. 7).

The baths were organized around an elongated rectangular hall (R 14) oriented N-S,

which presumably functioned both as an apodyterium and a frigidarium and was likely

equipped with a-now-lost built pool in the SW corner, a function consistent with similarly

sized bath suites elsewhere in the Roman world, where such multifunctionality was a

²⁷Michaelides 1991, 5-7.

²⁸Michaelides 1986.

²⁹SEG 36, 1263bis; Cayla 2018, 370; Donderer 1989, 73; Michaelides 1986, 485–486; Michaelides 2004.

³⁰Michaelides 1991, 9.

³¹Rekowska et al. 2021b; Rekowska, Michaelides, forthcoming.

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pragmatic and spatially efficient solution³². This hall also served as a central passage,

connecting the rest of the house: the passage to the west led to the courtyard and the

reception area beyond, while the southern route provided access to the private quarters.

The doorway to the north led to room R 13, through which one could access the latrinae (R

12). Another door on the eastern side opened into one of the heated rooms (R 17). The

two heated rooms were equipped with underfloor and wall heating, the one on the north,

closest to the praefurnium being the caldarium (R 16), and with the tepidarium (R 17)

further to the south. It is to be noted that two complementary solutions were used for

heating the walls: cuniculi (air-conduits, the lower part of which communicated with the

hypocaust) and spacer pins for creating the necessary cavity in the walls³³. This

combination demonstrates not only technical ingenuity and local ability to adapt Roman

heating practices, tailored to the architectural constraints of the site.

Fig. 6. The House of Orpheus: reception rooms (ortophoto by M. Gładki, photos of

mosaics Courtesy of the Getty Conservation Institute,

https://houseoforpheusproject.wnks.uw.edu.pl/two_d_documentation/,

accessed 1/05/2024; compiled by M. Rekowska).

This bath complex was accessible from both inside and outside the house: an

independent entrance from the eastern street through vestibule R 18, as well as the

second apodyterium (R 19) right next to the street entrance suggest a dual use: private

and public. The incorporation of Roman-style baths within a private residence was in itself

a potent marker of cultural affiliation and social status, aligning the owner with the broader

imperial ideal of cultivated leisure (otium). In this light, the mere presence of Roman-style

baths in a private residence is an obvious manifestation of global tendencies common to

an affluent elite class of a certain social status. In the context of Cyprus and from the

³²Rekowska et al. 2021b, 349.

³³Rekowska et al. 2021b.

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Fig. 7. The House of Orpheus: on the left – baths, the 1st phase; b – baths, the 2nd phase (orthophoto by M. Gładki

retrieved from https://houseoforpheusproject.wnks.uw.edu.pl/two_d_documentation/, accessed 1/05/2024, compiled by

M. Rekowska).

evidence hitherto available, it is all the more important to point out that the presence of

bathing installations is an unusual rather than a common feature of wealthy private homes.

It is also necessary to emphasise that what distinguishes some of these baths is their dual

function: although intended for private use, they could also be made available to outsiders;

and this benevolence might be interpreted as a manifestation of the owners’ benevolence

or their sense of civic responsibility towards the local community. This functional duality is

not unparalleled in Cyprus; it can also be found in the Villa of Theseus at Nea Paphos, and

the House of the Gladiators and the Building of Eustolios at Kourion³⁴. Finally, the use of

spacer-pins, a simple, economical yet efficient heating system, attested only in a few

regions of the eastern Mediterranean, particularly Crete and Cilicia, was widely used in

Cyprus. While technologically rooted in Roman practice, its selective adoption on the

island reveals a distinctive local response to global cultural norms. Thus, the baths of the

House of Orpheus, with their dual functionality and innovative engineering, stand as a

material manifestation of glocalisation – a dialogue between imperial forms and regional

agency, between universal models and local pragmatism.

‘Path of prestige’ and self-presentation in the House of Orpheus

The spatial organization of the House of Orpheus clearly demonstrates a division into

private and public space. The private part (ex-unit 2) provided the family with comfort and

intimacy, while the public section (ex-unit 1) was open to guests and designed to receive

and impress them. The latter, comprising two mosaic-paved halls, a courtyard and baths,

although communicating with the private quarters, could function as a completely

autonomous Unit.

A well-thought-out layout ensured effective circulation for both the members of the

household and visitors (including familiares, amici, clientes), and allowed to channel the

³⁴Christodoulou 2014, 88–90, 93–94, 97–98; Daszewski 1976, 194–206.

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flow of these categories around the house³⁵. The spatial constraints imposed by earlier

structures rooted in the Greek architectural tradition stimulated the inventiveness of the

builders, who sought to achieve the desired results while adapting Roman spatial

principles. Central to this design logic was the regulation of visibility and access within the

house. Accessibility to individual rooms was carefully controlled, enabling deliberate

management of what could be seen and by whom, whether invited or uninvited guests.

This approach closely aligned with the principles governing the layout of the Roman

house. Such control was reinforced by a well-planned external communication system and

a coherent internal circulation scheme (Fig. 8). The careful monitoring of movement

through domestic space served a dual purpose: it ensured privacy and authority for the

household while simultaneously enabling curated displays of wealth, status, and cultural

affiliation.

Both quarters (living and representative) were connected by two narrow transitional

passages – a western one near the reception rooms, and an eastern one close to the

baths. This allowed household members to use the baths discreetly, even with official

guests elsewhere in the house. At the same time, it allowed the host to communicate

directly with the reception rooms. Such subtle architectural mediation underscores the

duality of the house: a space of intimacy and spectacle, where everyday life coexisted with

moments of ceremonial display.

Fig. 8. The House of Orpheus: patterns of circulation (plan by J. Kaniszewski,

retrieved from https://houseoforpheusproject.wnks.uw.edu.pl/two_d_documentation/,

accessed 1/05/2024, compiled by M. Rekowska).

³⁵Wallace-Hadrill 1994, 38.

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The prestigious wing had two separate means of access for people from outside,

emphasising the hierarchical management of guests. As mentioned above, the northern

entrance led to the reception area. From that point onwards, access to other parts of the

house depended on the status of the visitors, who were carefully guided to different rooms,

according to their rank and relationship with the owner. Some ordinary clients would be

received in the exedra. Official and esteemed guests could be invited to a banquet in a

triclinium with a mosaic decorated with representations of an Amazon and Hercules, while

the amici could share more sophisticated celebrations in the room with the Orpheus

mosaic (oecus). A similar triple layout defines the reception area in elite houses in Roman

North Africa³⁶, suggesting a shared Mediterranean vocabulary of social spatiality. The

architectural and functional sophistication of this prestigious wing can be interpreted as a

manifestation of the outstanding social status of the owner of the house, undoubtedly a

wealthy individual holding an important position in the local urban community. It also

reflects his engagement with Roman values of self-presentation and civic responsibility.

His position in the social hierarchy is evidenced by the presence of baths that could, on

occasion, be opened to a wider group of users – and making the baths available to the

community was certainly a manifestation of his euergetism – a gesture of both moral virtue

and political positioning. At the same time, a bath suite influenced by models coming from

Italy, might be interpreted as a determinant of the owner’s Romanitas.

The residence can be considered a model example of how to adapt a house to the

needs of the Roman elite, as demonstrated by the way in which the rooms have been

arranged and the features included. Ex-unit 1 was redesigned to provide an appropriate

setting for the self-presentation of a high-status Roman citizen. Meanwhile, the private

section (ex-unit 2) remained largely unchanged to serve the needs of the family. This

contrast between traditional Hellenistic domestic architecture and 'new' Roman residential

model must be viewed in a 'glocal' context.

M.R., D.M.

Local materials and globalizing trends in Cyprus and Cyrenaica

As demonstrated by the history of the House of Orpheus, under the Roman Empire a

class of wealthy owners, including newcomers, began to grow in strength thanks to the

economic prosperity of the island. During the Severan era, this social and economic

expansion was accompanied by a wide-ranging architectural development. The same

trends can be detected in Cyrenaica, but in both regions, the newly created or restored

domestic buildings immediately display a substantial difference when compared with large

public constructions. In the latter, massively imported marble elements predominated,

whereas in the residences of Cyprus and Cyrenaica, peristyle colonnades and other

architectural features were made of local stone³⁷. The continuity in the materials used was

certainly determined by the incidence of the local production circuits. Therefore, local

stones can be considered as the real and metaphorical image of places and lives, part of a

world that became larger, but which did not undergo a real homologation³⁸.

However, the continuity in the use of local materials does not appear only in

residential architecture, but also in several temples. These buildings show stronger

adherence to architectural traditions for planimetric arrangements and elevations, probably

as a consequence of commissions from collegia and private worshippers instead of

Imperial administration. Suffice it to mention the Temple of Zeus at Salamis, with its narrow

³⁶Rebuffat 1969, 662 n. 1.

³⁷Pensabene, Gasparini 2017, 659–661.

³⁸Gasparini 2023a, 213-223.

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front square (the so-called Agora)³⁹. In its first phase, dated to the second century BCE,

and also in the reconstructions of the Imperial age, local calcarenite was continuously

used for carving free Corinthian capitals derived from Alexandrian types, that is, with

water-leaf volutes that start directly behind the leaves of the lower ring, without the use of

caules and calyces (fig. 9). However, the different rendering of the acanthus reveals the

phases in which these restorations took place since the sculptural process followed the

new tastes shaped on marble artefacts displayed in public monuments such as the

sanctuaries, agoras, theatres, and baths at Nea Paphos, Kourion and Salamis⁴⁰.

Fig. 9. Salamis, Temple of Zeus: Corinthian Capitals from the front-square (P. Pensabene Archive, photo by P.

Pensabene, elaborated by E. Gasparini).

Fig. 9. Salamis, Temple of Zeus: Corinthian Capitals from the front-square (P. Pensabene Archive, photo by P.

Pensabene, elaborated by E. Gasparini).

At Cyrene, in the restoration of the cella of the Temple of Zeus, dated to the mid-

second century CE, marble entablatures were used, with shafts in cipollino marble, and

entablatures, capitals, and bases imported from Proconnesos (Fig. 10)⁴¹. However, in the

same city, Corinthian capitals carved from local stone and reproducing Asiatic forms can

also be found. These are attested in several buildings to the south of the Agora, dated to

between the middle of the second and the beginning of the third century CE, including the

Temple of the Octagonal Bases, the Tetrastyle Temple, the Propylaeum of the Agora (Fig.

11), the Temple of the Muses, as well as the front porch of the Prytaneum Fig. 12)⁴². When

compared with contemporary Cypriot buildings, these examples attest to a greater

³⁹Argout et al. 1975, 122–141; Callot 2019, 502–509; Yon 2019, 37–50.

⁴⁰Barker 2016; Christou 2013; Grawehr 2019; Kiessel 2013; Sinos et al. 1990 ; Pensabene, Gasparini 2023,

87-102.

⁴¹Pensabene 2006, 233; Walker, Matthews 1996, 307–16; Gasparini 2023a, 213-233.

42

Stucchi 1965, 255–277; Stucchi 1967, 55–59; Stucchi, Bacchielli 1983, 76-91, 95–104; Ensoli 2000, 77–

78, 86; Luni, Mei 2007, 33–58.